The findings reported in this dissertation represent a major step in learning about how BLG United Methodists see themselves and their church. Although this work is about BLG UMs, the information has come directly from BLG sources, and it is a beginning attempt to hear and understand the individual respondents as they understand themselves in relation to the UMC.

Consequently, this work is an introductory venture into an exploration of the UM "homosexuality issue" from a BLG perspective. But the voices heard here, while more in number than have been heard in the past, are not enough to call these research findings definitive of a/the BLG UM perspective. There is still no thorough picture of the BLG population within the UMC.

My research raises at least as many questions as it answers. There is still more research that needs to be done. In the course of this research, I have discovered a number of questions that call for additional research, and the research itself has raised additional unanswered questions.

What is and/or has been the UM experience of the transgender UM population? It is clear from the responses in this research that there are a significant number of transgendered persons who are struggling and/or closeted within the UMC.

What is and/or has been the UM experience of the bisexual UM population? Although I heard from 40 respondents, it appears that there may be many bisexual UMs who are in current positions/relationships that protect them, to some degree, from the denominational policies and practices but who may also feel discriminated against and/or unwelcome.

How similar are the GLB UM experiences to those of the transgender UMs?

How representative are the experiences of the GLB respondents in my research when compared to the UM GLB population at large?

Why is human sexuality in general such a volatile subject in the UMC? Why is/has sex education been avoided in many UM churches and by the denomination as a whole? What happened to the sex education materials used by the UMC in the 1960s and 1970s?

How many BLG UMs left the denomination due to the homosexuality stance? How many families, friends, and supporters of BLG UMs have left the denomination for the same reasons? How many clergy, both BLG and heterosexual, has the denomination lost over this issue?

Are there more BLGs in Reconciling Congregations than in traditional UM congregations?

How does the number of ‘out’ BLG UMs compare to the number of closeted BLG UMs?

How many new BLG UM members are there who were raised in other denominations but who have joined the UMC because of supportive congregations?

Why do educated people with liberal views remain active in and/or loyal to organized religion in general? Do organized religion, the church, and denominations really matter?

Where did the research respondents grow up, and where were they educated? How have those factors played a role in their commitment and/or loyalty to the UMC?

Where/why did the research respondents, especially the lay respondents, learn about the Wesleyan Quadrilateral and theology? Is it a result of their education level? church background and/or heritage? seminary? independent study? Many long-term lay UMs have little, if any, knowledge of Wesleyan theology.

Does the UM episcopacy (bishops and the Council of Bishops) continue to have real power in the UM, or is the primary power in the hands of the clergy and/or caucuses?

How many families have had to live lies in order that their clergy family members (spouses or partners) could continue the work to which they have been called?

Does the UMC portrayal of and emphasis on inclusiveness and diversity reflect the reality of inclusion and diversity within the denomination?

Why is the denomination as a whole reluctant to state the obvious and say that the denomination is not of one mind on this issue? One of the strong points of the UMC throughout its history has been its diversity, acceptance of differences, and openness to questioning faith and beliefs. Historically, the UMC has not been of one mind a number of issues, and this is one of the reasons the denomination has been active in addressing world, ecumenical, and/or social justice issues. Most UMs know that there are differences of opinion within the denomination, especially with regard to the issues surrounding homosexuality.. Moreover, members have been/are encouraged to have different views and to question beliefs. Does the UM leadership think the rest of the world and church members are not aware that UMs disagree?

Does the high percentage of gay clergy participating in this research indicate that there is in fact a disproportionately large number of gay UM clergy? Is this true in other denominations as well?

If so, why are there so many gay clergy? During the 1980s, studies were done that indicated that homosexuality was higher among the clergy than in the general population (from 20% to 40% of Catholic priests; over 50% Episcopal clergy in large some areas) (Francoeur, 1991, p. 451, citing information in a 1987 Newsweek story by J. K. Woodward). It is also known that healers in the Native American population (and other non-European cultures) are ‘two-spirit’ persons and/or individuals who do not fit into typical heterosexual roles (see Roscoe, 1991, for more detail). Are healing (or religious or spiritual) qualities more prominent in the make-up of non-heterosexual persons? Research is needed in this arena as well.

For Dr. Stroud's assessment of the UMC: What's wrong with the UMC?